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不为人知的西班牙宝地-毕尔巴鄂(Bilbao)【原创】【多图】  2015-09-17   欧亚丝路   欧亚丝路 其实跟大多数国人一样,在来西班牙之前,对其了解也基本停留在首都马德里,奥林匹克浪漫城市巴塞罗那,疯狂的奔牛节,不人道的斗牛,热情的敷朗明哥和香喷喷的海鲜饭。 如今在...


Chinese Tourism Renaissance: From organised mass tours to free independent travel. Scritto da Lucia Ghezzi .

Subir y bajar del autobús, tomar fotografías, saltar de vuelta en el autobús, dormir en un hotel . Así es como millones de turistas chinos pasan sus vacaciones cada año. Somos conscientes del estereotipo de grupos chinos al bajar de un autobús, cámaras en sus manos, ya que visitan los destinos turísticos más famosos en toda Europa lista para disparar. Sin embargo, este cliché puede estar a punto de terminar.
Discutí la situación actual y las futuras tendencias del mercado turístico chino con Chao Nan Zhang, Director de Operaciones para el área chino en Ignas Spa Tour, una agencia de viajes con sede en la región italiana de Trentino Alto-Adige que se especializa en los flujos entrantes de los viajes a Europa .
Chao Nan explains that, although big group tours of 30/40 people are still the Chinese favourite way of travelling around Europe, mass tourism is in decline. “About ten years ago, when outbound tourism started flourishing in China, average Chinese people still had little to no knowledge of the English language and European culture, so mass group tours were basically their only option. Nowadays, tourists from the Middle Kingdom, who are often at their second European travelling experience, are not satisfied with the standard Central Europe mass group tour and they often opt for more customised solutions.” Asked about these new trends, Chao Nan says that single group travels are more and more popular among Chinese tourists. “Single group are smaller groups of travellers that usually request upper-level customised tours catering to their specific needs. For example, we once arranged a football-themed tour in Spain for a group of Chinese football fans. They visited all the major stadiums and even attended Barcelona’s team practice, where they could meet their idol Lionel Messi – and take a picture with him of course.”
Talking of the most popular European destinations, FranceItaly and Switzerland still attract a large share of Chinese tourists, even if in 2016 they suffered a steep decline in visitors, partly due to the introduction of new visa requirements for the Schengen area at the end of 2015. Conversely, this year Chao Nan saw a boom of requests for tours to the UK, which is not part of the Schengen agreement, probably thanks to the extension of standard visitor visas and to a simplified application process. Moreover, as Chinese people become more knowledgeable about European countries and the cultural differences among them, more and more tourists are attracted to less renowned areas, such as Eastern Europe or the Balkans.
Chao Nan has no doubts concerning the future of the market: “Even if group tours still account for the majority of incoming Chinese tourism revenues, the future tendency is clear: in the coming years, the segment of FIT (free independent travelling) will become more and more important for the incoming tourism industry.”
Chao Nan’s opinion is supported by recent data. The trend for independent travel is sharply on the rise, especially among the younger Chinese, who are open-minded, well educated and more adventurous than their elders. They are also hugely dependent on online search and are used to booking hotels, flights and attraction tickets via online travel sites.
So, what does this mean for the market? Are tour operators and tourist agencies doomed? Not necessarily. “Mass group tours are low-cost solutions, where price plays a big role and competition is fierce. As a result, margins in this segment are wafer-thin. Catering to FIT can be more profitable, although it entails much more effort”. Agencies and tour operators should therefore focus on providing customers with unique experiences that cannot so easily be booked online.
“We at Ignas Tour are already working on this by offering special packages of a single day or even of just a few hours that cater specifically to FIT. For example, young internet-savvy Chinese tourists may book a hotel room in Venice online, but they would like someone to guide them through the narrow and maze-like Venetian calli and to show them the best attractions the city has to offer. That’s why we propose short Chinese guide tours in Venice and in other main tourist destinations in Europe. Besides cities guided tours, we also arrange visits to Italian wineries, where tourists can learn about wine production and have a wine-tasting experience, or to pizzerie in Naples, where they can even make (and eat!) their own pizza under the supervision of pizza chefs.”
Chinese tourists may be getting tired of the jam-packed mass group tour experience and look for more unique and personal experiences, but there is one thing that won’t change: “They’ll never stop taking billions of pictures to show to their friends and families at home” says Chao Nan with a little laugh. After all, old habits die hard.http://pequodrivista.com/chinese-tourism-renaissance-from-organised-mass-tours-to-free-independent-travel/


省州:巴斯克自治区城市:Bilbao性质:公立建校年代:1980年人数:44241人中国教育部是否认证:获得认证 官网: www.ehu.es

官网: www.ehu.es
巴斯克大学始建于1980年,是西班牙的一所公立大学。巴斯克大学下设有科学与技术系、医学与牙科学系、社会与传媒科学系,、美术系、法律系(Bizkaia校区)、Sarriko企业与经济科学系(Ibarrekolanda, Sarriko校区),化学科学系,法律系,心理学系,哲学与教育科学系、信息学系、药学系、文学系以及体育活动与运动科学系等13个系;另外还设有劳动关系学院、护理学院、教师学院(Arangoiti校区)、毕尔巴鄂高级工程技术学院(San Mamés校区)、工业技术工程学院(La Casilla校区)、企业研究学院(主校区)、高等航海、机器与海事技术学院、公共工程与矿物技术工程学院、高等建筑技术学院、San Sebastián理工学院、企业研究学院、San Sebastián教师学院、护理学院(Sanitaria市校区)、工程学院、教师学院、社会工作学院和企业学院等17个学院。巴斯克大学开设有本科、硕士和博士专业,比如地电子学、信息工程、工业组织工程、建筑学、社会教育、护理学、工商管理、生物化学等等。  


95 ANIVERSARIO del Partido Comunista Chino.

Presidente Xi quiere un PCCh motivado y honesto en 95° aniversario
Xi Jinping, secretario general del Comité Central del Partido Comunista de China (PCCh), exhortó el 1 de julio a sus camaradas a "permanecer fieles a la misión" asumida por el PCCh hace 95 años.

"Quien desee seguir avanzando no debe olvidar el camino que se ha recorrido. Sin importar cuán lejos viajemos y cuán brillante sea el futuro, no debemos olvidar lo que hemos experimentado y el motivo por el cual emprendimos el camino", dijo Xi durante un evento en Beijing para conmemorar el 95° aniversario de la fundación del PCCh.

En su discurso, Xi elogió a los líderes del PCCh, incluyendo a Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi, Zhu De, Deng Xiaoping y Chen Yun, a quienes murieron por la Nueva China y a los miembros sobresalientes del PCCh.

Xi pidió a los miembros del Partido "defender el espíritu de lucha" de los miembros fundadores del PCCh y su compromiso con el pueblo.

El PCCh fue fundado en un momento de agitación y buscó liberar al país de la invasión extranjera y de las dificultades internas.

En sus 95 años de historia, el Partido y el país han superado numerosas dificultades gracias a las tres generaciones de líderes del Partido, Mao, Deng y Jiang Zemin como "el núcleo", así como el Comité Central del PCCh encabezado por Hu Jintao como secretario general.

Sin el liderazgo de un Partido comprometido y armado con teorías avanzadas, el pueblo chino no hubiera podido cambiar su destino, el país no se hubiera unido y no se hubiera vuelto próspero.

Por lo tanto, China debe "apegarse al liderazgo del PCCh y al socialismo con características chinas y nunca apartarse de esto", dijo Xi.

El evento fue presidido por el primer ministro Li Keqiang y contó con la asistencia de otros líderes importantes como Zhang Dejiang, Yu Zhengsheng, Liu Yunshan, Wang Qishan y Zhang Gaoli.

El llamado de Xi a "permanecer fieles a la misión" resonó con Qin Lan, curador de un parque conmemorativo en Guangdong que rinde homenaje al fallecido general Ye Ting.

"Una de las razones por las que actualmente algunos cuadros caen es que pierden la fe y olvidan lo que los motivó a unirse en primer lugar al PCCh", dijo Qin.


Xi destacó la continua devoción del Partido al marxismo. "Si nos desviáramos del marxismo o lo abandonáramos nuestro Partido perdería el rumbo porque el marxismo es la teoría fundamental que guía tanto al Partido como al país", dijo.

Sin embargo, Xi señaló que el PCCh debe adaptar los principios marxistas a la actual realidad de China y ser innovador en la teoría y en la práctica.

"Los cambios de la época y la magnitud y profundidad del desarrollo de China van mucho más allá de la imaginación de los autores de los clásicos del marxismo", dijo.

Xi exhortó a todo el Partido a fortalecer la confianza "en el camino, la teoría, el sistema y la cultura del socialismo con características chinas".

El socialismo con características chinas debe ser evaluado no por "la gente con una visión contaminada", sino por los chinos con base en los hechos, dijo.

"Los miembros del PCCh y el pueblo chino confían en presentar una solución china a la exploración de la humanidad en relación con mejores sistemas sociales", dijo.

Xu Yaotong, profesor de la Academia de Gobernanza de China, dijo que el discurso de Xi mostró autoconfianza y autoreflexión y añadió que la "confianza en la cultura" mostró que la dirigencia del PCCh está comprometida con la vía del socialismo con características chinas.

Al mencionar la contribución del partido a la humanidad, el presidente Xi muestra que el partido está preparándose para asuntos que serán de gran importancia en el futuro, dijo Xu.


"La reforma y la apertura son claves para decidir la suerte de la China moderna", dijo Xi.

El objetivo general de la reforma es mejorar el sistema socialista y modernizar y mejorar la gobernanza. El objetivo central es la reforma del sistema económico, seguida de las reformas política, cultural, social, ambiental y de construcción del Partido, dijo.

Las autoridades deben atreverse a "realizar cirugías para enfermedades crónicas y persistentes", a "romper el refugio de los intereses creados" y a "eliminar los obstáculos que impiden el desarrollo", dijo.

En su discurso, Xi enfatizó que el compromiso del Partido con el Estado de derecho y con mejorar el bienestar de la gente.


"La mayor amenaza para el PCCh como partido gobernante es la corrupción", dijo Xi.

El Partido debe seguir mejorándose a sí mismo para permanecer en el poder, señaló.

"Si no podemos manejar el Partido y gobernarlo de manera estricta, dejando sin resolver problemas importantes en su interior, tarde o temprano, el Partido será consignado a la historia", advirtió el presidente en su discurso.

Xi demandó a los miembros del Partido ajustarse a las políticas del Comité Central del PCCh y a actuar con integridad, empezando por los líderes principales.

Luego de elogiar los avances de la campaña de los últimos tres contra la corrupción en China, Xi prometió mantener la presión y la tolerancia cero ante la corrupción,


Xi prometió en su discurso que China participará de manera activa en la construcción del sistema de gobernanza global y que buscará aportar la sabiduría china para ayudar a mejorar la gobernanza global.

El orden mundial no debe ser determinado por un país o por unos cuantos países, sin por un amplio acuerdo internacional, dijo.

China siempre seguirá el camino del desarrollo pacífico y una política de apertura caracterizada por acuerdos de beneficio mutuo, señaló. "No estamos construyendo nuestro jardín trasero, sino un jardín público para todas las naciones".

China está en contra de imponer la propia voluntad a otros, en contra de intervenir en los asuntos internos de otros países y en contra de que el fuerte intimide al débil.

"China nunca renunciará a sus derechos legítimos. El pueblo chino no cree en la falacia ni tiene miedo de las fuerzas nocivas. El pueblo chino no crea problemas, pero no es cobarde cuando los tiene", dijo.

China no recurrirá a la amenaza de la fuerza por voluntad propia ni "hará alarde de su poder militar a la puerta de otros a las primeras de cambio", dijo el presidente. "Hacer alarde del poder por todas partes no implica fuerza y no asusta a nadie".

Liu exhortó a todos los miembros y organizaciones del partido a aprender de las personas que fueron elogiadas y a contribuir más para así lograr el sueño chino.

The Potential of the Chinese Diaspora & the Benefits for Southeast Asia

The Potential of the Chinese Diaspora & the Benefits for Southeast Asia

Immigration is a hot-button issue. Prof Wang Gungwu, an expert of Chinese history, speaks to Claire Leow as he takes a long view and casts an eye back on the history of the Chinese in Southeast Asia, for some instructive lessons.
16-GIA-38-29Professor Wang Gungwu narrowly defines diaspora to refer to those of Chinese descent who have made their homes and settled as nationals in a variety of countries, specifically in Southeast Asia, in contrast to those who reside outside China but retain Chinese nationality. The latter are not central to the question of the Chinese diaspora’s role in modern history, he said.
Of the estimated 40 million Chinese who have settled outside China, more than 75 percent have settled in Southeast Asia, he said. The earliest of these had come to this region hundreds of years ago. They began actively and regularly trading there since the 12th century and many settled to become part of Southeast Asian society. There is historical evidence that some of them laid the foundations for a long-lasting relationship with their countries of adoption.
Initially the numbers were very small, and characterised by commercial activities between the ports of China and the ports of Southeast Asia. The numbers grew steadily over the centuries and they became a vital part of the region’s economy, even after the arrival of the Europeans and their trading companies. Over time, these ethnic Chinese also adapted themselves to European power and political control. It was only after the 19th century that the numbers of Chinese began to rise substantially, following the forced opening of the China ports after the 1840s.
As a result, the earlier relations underwent radical change. China declined rapidly. After the early 20th century, its imperial system was overthrown, and the republican government that followed was weak and divided.
For the next three decades, the country was subject to external interventions and invasions. In reaction, the people became nationalistic. These patriotic sentiments spread widely and influenced the Chinese who had gone abroad to work and live. This was particularly striking among the Chinese diaspora in Southeast Asia where large numbers of them had penetrated beyond the trading ports and had gone inland to engage in a wide range of agricultural, mining and other economic activities.
Colonial Rule & Aftermath
During the 20th century, the majority of the Chinese, except those in Thailand, were operating in areas under the administration of colonial powers. Thus the traditional relations between Chinese and the indigenous ruling classes changed fundamentally. In the larger context of centuries of relations with local peoples, this was an aberration that lasted for only a little more than a century. During that period, most Chinese had to learn to deal with new administrations and technologies, as well as new ideas and laws that were introduced by the colonial powers.
In many parts of Southeast Asia after the middle of the 19th century, there were large numbers of new arrivals, the sinkeh or “new guests”. They were mostly very poor coolie labour who had no history of interacting with local ruling classes but had to deal largely with European officials and employers who were Europeans or merchant Chinese. Most of them were illiterate or knew only the respective Chinese dialects and had to be assisted by the local-born and settled Peranakan or Straits Chinese who had totally adapted to Southeast Asian ways. But the newcomers were numerous and, in the early 20th century, were more inclined to identify with and respond to political developments in China. Most of them were industrious and thrifty and the more entrepreneurial among them soon became wealthy and influential.
Both Peranakan and sinkeh experienced very difficult times under Japanese occupation in the years 1942-45. When the colonial period ended after the Second World War, many of the sinkeh chose to return to China and some of the Peranakan re-migrated to Europe and elsewhere. But those who remained adjusted quickly to the new phase of history when the modern nation-state was introduced to the region. The new generation of local nationalists was determined to abandon the older feudal structures and pre-colonial systems to build new nations within the borders that the colonial powers had drawn.
Thus all those of Chinese descent had to recalibrate their positions in Southeast Asia. Those who were local-born could, on the while, adjust to the changes more readily since they had adopted many indigenous customs and were familiar with local norms. The rest had a more testing time adapting. Everyone faced with the nation-building process had to deal with nationalism, concepts of sovereignty, citizenship, political loyalty and new parameters of national economic development.
The local-born learnt quickly to be citizens in the nation-states and found roles they could play by accepting their new responsibilities. These were a small minority in most territories until the 1960s. After that, local-born new citizens became the majority among the Chinese diaspora. Today, the majority of these ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia identify with their countries of adoption and not with the countries of origin. Their loyalties and identification are with the countries to which they belong. This has made them clearly different from the newcomers who have come to the region since the 1980s. The latter have come to do business, do not have loyalties to their countries of temporary residence and are not considered diaspora, Prof Wang argues in making distinctions for research purposes.
Changing Composition
A hundred years ago, ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia were mainly merchants who had decided to settle in the region. They had come in small numbers. But with industrialisation, with new agricultural and mining produce in great demand, they came in larger numbers. The composition of the newcomers was also different in that some of them were educated, contrary to past migratory practice when educated Chinese did not leave China. But those who came in the early 20th century included many who came to enlighten the merchants and workers and educate their children. Some of them worked to increase consciousness among the Chinese about the modern Chinese nation. They used Chinese textbooks and systems adopted from China to arouse patriotism among the people they called sojourners or hua chiao. Their work often left a deep impression not only among those of Chinese descent but also showed the local peoples how nationalistic many Chinese had become.
Since the 1980s, many more of those leaving China are better educated, quite unlike the emigrants of the past. This is particularly noticeable among those who left China to go to North America, Western Europe and some other parts of Asia, and also those who are going to Africa and Latin America. However, new Chinese migrations to Southeast Asia have been relatively few, especially when compared to the numbers who came in the past.
Throughout history, it has been young Chinese of South China in search of business opportunities who led the way to work in Southeast Asia. Merchants had a lowly legal and social status, and were very dependant on the goodwill of officials and local notables in China who usually came from the literati ruling class. The few merchants who were successful and able to acquire landed wealth were better able to relate to mandarin officials, but most of them were highly constrained in their activities. Outside of China, however, where traders were considered assets to the rulers and chiefs, their status was enhanced. This is one of the reasons why many of the early venturesome Chinese who became wealthy in Southeast Asia chose to settle in their adopted homes abroad.
The importance of trade was proven by the success of the European powers, especially by the Dutch and English East India Companies during the 17th and 18th centuries. They respected enterprise, their legal processes and contractual agreements offered protection of property, and they recognised the importance of technical and professional skills; all these impressed the Chinese diaspora. Furthermore, the nature of education also changed. Traditional Chinese education was focused on passing examinations in the Confucian classics so that the graduate could become an official in the Imperial Chinese government. It was a very exclusive education that emphasised classical learning. By the end of 19th century and the beginning of 20th, however, the Chinese outside encountered new kinds of education – in science and technology, in training for industrial and managerial competence, and other practical skills. This was not merely Western education but really education for a modern world, a world of nation-states, of transnational trade and one that dealt with a global market economy. The Chinese diaspora realised that this kind of education is not only good for China but also for their children if they were to cope and prosper in that world. It was a major factor in the change in composition of the Chinese who left China in recent times.
Today we see the rise of the middle class of the Chinese diaspora. Not just the merchant class of the last century but professional classes adjusting to new nation states that appreciate that such skills are necessary if they are to become modern, prosperous and strong. This is part of a larger global shift but, in Southeast Asia, the ethnic Chinese were quick to respond to this shift and this greatly encouraged their focus on an education for the modern world.
Now that the status of merchants was higher, ethnic Chinese developed a greater interest in education as a means of adapting to modern, industrial capital systems. The process of adjusting from traditional business values to highly competitive business skills has changed the lives of the younger generation. Most of them are able to operate as useful modernisers in their respective countries.
The Adaptability of the Chinese
Through their history of trading and settling in the region, the Chinese have shown that they are extremely adaptable. They have not been so much concerned with identifying with their regimes in China as with the practical advantages of loyalty to family and family-based businesses. These values are not peculiar to the Chinese, and it would be wrong to think that it is unique among them. The norm for most of history everywhere had been for business to depend on the cohesion within a larger kinship group, enabling each group to adapt to business methods and institutions. From studies of the Chinese family businesses in Southeast Asia, it is clear that their family-centered focus has enabled them to stand up to great challenges. The studies also show how they have transformed the large family system suitable for an agrarian society to the smaller families that characterise modern urban societies. However, the idea that the individual by himself is weak and that family support is what makes each individual life meaningful remains strong. It is in that context that individual Chinese work hard, and seek to gain the trust of others. If successful, individuals embody the qualities that the family, the community and society in general would find valuable and useful. Such Chinese are likely to promote the values that they believe had enabled them to succeed.
Underlying all this is skepticism towards the opposite ideal of encouraging individuals to place themselves above family and society. This skepticism is strong enough to resist those trends that glorify the individual as sacred and it has led ethnic Chinese to contest any idea that such kinds of individuals are necessary for people to become modern.
The Chinese heritage regards loyalty to the family as a basic building block for harmonious relationships and social cohesion. Although the Chinese outside China today are very different from their ancestors, and they have moved beyond being just merchants and traders and can be found in every field of endeavour, they are able to enjoy the greater freedom they now have to develop as individuals and feel that their achievements are primarily rooted in the family as a social unit. On the whole, they still believe that this is why the Chinese heritage remains of great value to everyone in the societies they live in.
Chinese Diaspora and Governments
Chinese people everywhere have been re-adjusting relationships with their respective national governments.
Traditionally, the Chinese in China steered clear of officialdom, and their imperial dynastic rulers may be described in today’s terms as running “small governments”. Mao Zedong (b.1893-d.1976) changed that by establishing a revolutionary state that tried to force his people to serve his vision of a proletarian paradise. However, the revulsion against its worst excesses has produced something different again. During the past 20 years, the government in China has been undergoing reforms, and there is more freedom for local initiatives in most fields of work and play.
For ethnic Chinese outside, it is instructive to see that one of the most stable features of Chinese socio-political life is being revived in China, despite the country’s rapid rate of industrialisation and urbanisation. Those of Chinese descent in Southeast Asia are concerned to see how the family as a unit is respected again, especially in rural life, and the family is still playing an important role in supporting local government and commerce. They are encouraged to see the way communities are once again managing their own affairs, in areas such as health and welfare, basic education and local economic activities. Some may even see conditions that are now once again close to the autonomy the Chinese enjoyed in the past.
That governments should do more for their people is a modern concept. The nation-state in the West is very different from older feudal states. Ever since the French Revolution, the relationship between individuals and the state has become increasingly important. People demand more from their governments, and governments provide more, so much so that some have also become more authoritarian and autocratic. But many also realise that states are not good at controlling too much or providing too much; when they do, that makes societies dependant and weak.
Today people in every society are trying to achieve a balance, one that allows for more participation by people who can say to their leaders that there should just be that much state power and no more. The Chinese diaspora have learnt from their experiences that such a development is good and are trying to achieve that balance. They have observed what happened to China under Mao Zedong; they have seen how the Chinese have learnt a hard lesson. Living outside China and experiencing the various paths to modernity, they are aware that the balance is necessary if a society is to be healthy, stable and prosperous.
They have also seen that, in the West, some nations have gone too far the other way, where too much power rests with the people and how that has weakened governance structures and the states that depend on them. Ethnic Chinese have had to learn to live in different kinds of states and have devoted much of their time to master the skills needed in these modernising societies and to learn about modern institutions, especially about modern education. As they adjust to life in these societies, and try and contribute to their adopted countries, they have learnt to play important roles in each of them.
Adapting to Modern Ways
This process of adapting to modernisation deserves close attention. It is important to understand the ways they are trying to fulfill their responsibility to their adopted countries. Today’s global economies and relationships are not only between states and peoples, but also between large transnational enterprises. The capacity to deal with a rapidly changing world has to be cultivated in new ways. The Chinese diaspora have done this much more successfully than their ancestors could have dreamt of. They are now achieving that as loyal groups in the new nations they have chosen to belong to, offering their new skills that can link up with the world beyond at various levels and in different ways. They are part of a global middle class that link up readily and easily across national and continental boundaries and bring benefits in ways that were not possible in the past.
The potential of the Chinese diaspora to benefit Southeast Asia is fulfilled by education, an ability to adjust and adapt, and the skillfulness in harnessing modern life. That can become a great asset to their adopted countries.

Prof. Wang Gungwu is a historian of China and Southeast Asia, chairman of the East Asian Institute at the National University of Singapore, and Emeritus Professor of the Australian National University.